THE   EGYPTIAN REVOLUTION:

The great revolution is started on the  25th of January , 2011. to face the injustice , iniquity, unfair and tyranny which were deep rooted in our society so all of these things and more than them leaded to a lot of problems such as : the poverty which has quickly spread in our society  , the starvation which became the main problem in the poor areas whose people who haven't had enough of an income to buy anything even the important things for their life such as the foods which can help them to stay alive and they also can't  easily buy any medication  which can help them to recover quickly and protect them from any disease so I thought that there was no place for those people in this tyrannic life because a lot of people became only think about How can they earn a lot of money and how to get a great position specially in the political life in our life don't think at all about how the others people live in this tyrannic life even if they can't bring any foods for one day and if they have a shelters or no to protect them from the bad weather , the education problem which became a very bad thing in Egypt. I think that all subjects became depend on only the saving information in the minds not understanding but now they trying to improve their  education system all over and the tormenting problem which the security nation was doing it in it's center for anyone has an opposite view for their rules and their regime such as " Muslim brotherhood " because they were wanting to still in the political life forever " they and their sons " so a lot of troops in Egypt went out to all Egyptian squires and streets there was no different between " Rich and Poor " or " Muslims and Christians " we all were as one man in this revolution , they all were asking to overthrow this dictator and tyrant " Mubarak " with his regime; because he and his regime were exploiting country's  power and money in an illegal ways and he was always trying to breakdown people's  future for only his family and his assistants so the people made also their revolution to get  freedom and the social justice so after 18 days of revolution from killing a lot of revolutionists who were considered a huge part of Egypt's future with their minds , powers .........etc.

After Mubarak deposition from president position the  protesters  made a lot of marches against their "SCAF" then the trials were started for the previous dictator , his sons and a lot of his assistant who were helping him in his crimes specially " The Revolutionist Killing Crime " and through the trial in this issue ; he will imprison for 25 years and then the Egyptian people started to choose the new president for  the country so there were a lot of candidates entered this elections such as " Abo Elftoh , Elsbahe , Elawa , Morsy ........ etc " and the results of the first round in this elections were " the first one was Morsy who represent the Muslim Brotherhood and the second one was the person who represent the remnants of the last regime so both of them entered the second round of this elections , in this round a lot of Egyptian people were dispersed so there were a lot of common people who  didn't go to vote to anyone of those candidates because a lot of them don't like to back again to the last regime by choose the person who represent them , don't like also to choose the Muslim brotherhood because they think that Muslim brotherhood are conservatives and don't flexible like liberal people , also a lot of those protesters  damaged their votes , some chose Morsy to don't back to the last regime and the others chose the second candidate who represent the last regime anyway in the end of this elections "Thanks to God that they  have now a new president and  I think that it don't matter wether they  are happy or sad of this results which succeeded in it the candidate who represent Muslim brotherhood , should only now be optimistic of their  future, and work hard to progress the  country's economic and all field .

CAUSE OF REVOLUTION:

Egypt‟s revolution was the continuation of a „domino effect‟ that started from suicide of avegetable vendor, who set himself on fire. The slap‟s echo on his face trembled all dictators‟

castles in region. The suicide of Mohammed Bouazizi in Tunisia, which led President Ben Ali toflee from the country, was the first spark for Egyptians to show their dissatisfaction served as acatalyst for the protests in Egypt. This event flamed the anger of people who had beenhumiliated repeatedly by the regime of Hosni Mubarak for decades. The Egyptian revolution was among the first in an enormous wave democratic protests in the Arab world this century.

The Egyptian protesters‟ target was the main powers of the tyrannical

regime and PresidentHosni Mubarak, viewed as the main principal of the authoritarian regime. This time, the leadingof objection were not human beings who can be imprisoned and repressed by the regime. It wasa new source, born from technology that had been utilised by intelligent minds over the past three decades. Social networks played a significant role in the North African political revolutions.Mubarak guaranteed that he would not attend the next election and appointed Omar Suleimanas his Vice-President, but none of protesters were sufficiently satisfied to leave the Tahrir Square of Cairo and continued to their civil disobediences. The military tried to control the situation. The threat of being fired upon and possible death of protesters was not enough to disperse the crowd from Tahrir Square and other streets. The same scenario happened in other cities of Egypt. The march of the million was underway. Civil disobedience was the turning point

of rebellion. Civil resistance was efficacious and Mubarak‟

s regime collapsed. Unemployment, inflation, repression and state corruption were the most important causes of 

Egypt‟s uprising, as the need to comprehensive reform was viewed an important step toward a

great future

Public  Demand

Egypt‟s revolution was not merely a political revolution against a dictatorial regime; it was a

public demonstration of outrage regarding state corruption. State corruption, based on the reports, had risen dramatically in both Egyptian society and the Egyptian government in recent

years. Mubarak‟s regime appeared to dismiss the urgent need for general reform and

subsequently overlooked opportunities to adapt, alter or establish laws and policies leading to meaningful reform.

It was not enough for protesters, when the President Mubarak and his deputy appeared in the media, promising  to amend the articles 76 and 77 of the constitution.

 “The People‟s Assembly shall nominate the President of the Republic. The

nomination shall be referred to the people for a plebiscite. The nomination for the President of the

protesters were arguably logical requests for substantive reforms, but seemingly difficult for the Mubarak regime to address. The manifesto issued in Tahrir Square at the beginning of the revolution consisted of some important protesters demands. Highlighted the principal demands of the protesters,includingthe resignation of President Hosni Mubarak; the abolition of Emergency Law;. the immediate release of all political prisoners;iv. the annulment the current constitution and its amendment the formation of the Constituent Assembly to codify a democratic constitution;vi. the dissolution of Parliament;vii. the freedom of political parties, the dissolution of the Military Courts and the aolition of their sentencesix. and the freedom of the press.

Risk of Revolution

The military regime, “which paid 50000 Egyptian pounds to the families of killed people in the protests and gave promise to add 15% on monthly salaries of the government employees”, has the majority of the state‟s economy and the power of retaliation. Now,

the military leading the country by with the legal support of 30 years imposed Emergency Law

as the main ruling

state‟s law was one of the most important protester‟s issues to resolve. The Parliament there is no supervision power. For now,

the military prefers the people‟s side rather than Mubarak‟s as an elegant option, but the fear of 

conspiring to steal the revolution still remains and the history of political revolutions supports this ideal.The revolution, it seems to me, was genuine and it will prevail. Unless it is set on

„

devouring its own children

‟,

reform will occur under the watchful eye of the armed forces who will work

Republic shall be made in the People‟ Assembly upon the proposal of at least one

third of its members.

The candidate who obtains two thirds of the votes of the members of the People‟s Assembly shall be

referred to the people for a plebiscite . If he does not obtain the said majority the nomination process shall be repeated two days after the first vote. The candidate obtaining an absolute majority of the votes of the Assembly members shall be referred to the citizens for a plebiscite. The candidate shall be consideredPresident of the Republic when he obtains an absolute majority of votes cast in the plebiscite. If the candidate does not obtain this majority, the Assembly shall propose the nomination of another candidate and the same procedure shall follow concerning his candidature and election. The term of the presidency shall be six Gregorian years starting from the date of the announcement of result of the plebiscite. The President of the Republic may be re-elected for other successive terms.”

Emergency law in Egypt was first enacted in 1958, and has remained in effect since 1967, except for an 18-month break in 1980. The emergency was imposed during the 1967 Arab-Israeli War and imposed again after the assassination of President Anwar Sadat assiduously to keep western aid flowing and, perhaps, even allow a greater part of it to flow towards economic development and towards meeting the demands of the 40 percent Egyptians who live below the poverty line.

The Guardian writes in its editorial on 13 February 2011:

"There is no evidence yet that the army plans to renege on its commitments to facilitate a transition to popular rule. But in the absence of mature civil institutions, the fear of chaos might easily lead the generals to conclude that democracy is a project for the long term and then to extend the length of that term ever further". 

 The Egyptian military did not play the role of a repressive power during the people revolution2011, such as Libyan army in their bordering, but they have to show their honesty to the people.Civilians should be entitle

d to support civil institutions and labour unions, born from the Tahrir‟s

squares during the revolution, and then also create and reinforce them in the body of the future government of their motherland country to show their revolution unified and integrated at the front of the military power. The power shift in Egypt should occur immediately with the attendance of all groups and parties. The Egyptian people should dynamically be present in the circle of power until their aims are achieved, but the transition of power must occur carefully.Crossing from these conditions and actualising the aims and targets of revolution must occur quickly. The Egyptians should be able to make presentations of their demands by their own activists and elites who have common goals and generate or recreate their political coalitions,civil institutions and labour unions immediately. Egyptians have been killed to achieve the rule of law, civil liberties, and economic opportunities. The most important part of a political revolutionis obtaining aims and reaching goals, now the most complex part of the revolution is coming.

International reactions have varied with most Western states saying peaceful protests should continue but also expressing concern for the stability of the country and the region. The Egyptian revolution, along with Tunisian events, has influenced demonstrations in other Arab countries including Yemen, Bahrain, Jordan, Syria and Libya.

Mubarak dissolved his government and appointed former head of the Egyptian General Intelligence Directorate Omar Suleiman as Vice-President in an attempt to quell dissent. Mubarak asked aviation minister and former chief of Egypt's Air Force, Ahmed Shafik, to form a new government. Mohamed ElBaradei became a major figure of the opposition, with all major opposition groups supporting his role as a negotiator for some form of transitional unity government. In response to mounting pressure, Mubarak announced he had not intended to seek re-election in September.

On 11 February 2011, Vice President Omar Suleiman announced that Mubarak would be stepping down as president and turning power over to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) and Mubarak resigned from office. The military junta, headed by effective head of state Mohamed Hussein Tantawi, announced on 13 February that the constitution would be suspended, both houses of parliament dissolved, and that the military would rule for six months until elections could be held. The prior cabinet, including Prime Minister Ahmed Shafik, would continue to serve as a caretaker government until a new one is formed.  Shafik resigned on 3 March, a day before major protests to get him to step down were planned; he was replaced by Essam Sharaf, the former transport minister. On 24 May, Mubarak was ordered to stand trial on charges of premeditated murder of peaceful protestors and, if convicted, could face the death penalty.^]

On 2 June 2012, Mubarak was found guilty of complicity in the murders of the protestors and sentenced to life imprisonment, but this sentence was later overturned on appeal. Numerous protesters upset that others tried with Mubarak, including his two sons, had been acquitted, took to the streets. On 19 June, protesters, many belonging to the Muslim Brotherhood, protested in Cairo's Tahrir Square, angry that the SCAF had taken some of the powers that had formerly belonged to the President. On 24 June, the State Election Commission announced that Islamist Mohammed Morsi had won the presidential election. On 30 June, Morsi was inaugurated as the 5th President of Egypt.

On 3 July 2013 Mohammed Morsi was deposed by over 30 million Egyptians, who didn't want Morsi to continue ruling . Egypt will have an interim government until a new election. The interim government was supported by the army and all major previous opposing parties and opposed by the Muslim Brotherhood.

PRESENT SITUATION:

CAIRO — Amid an international outcry over a bloody crackdown, the new government installed by Gen. Abdul-Fattah el-Sisi is putting concerted pressure on the only remaining news outlets in Egypt covering criticism of the violence: the foreign news media.

The military had already shut down all the Egyptian television networks that supported President Mohamed Morsi on the night the general ousted him. Now, in the last four days, the new authorities have raided and shut down the offices of the pan-Arab Al Jazeera network, taken steps to deny its Egyptian license and, on Sunday, arrested its correspondent Abdullah El-Shamy on charges of inciting murder and sectarian violence. Al Jazeera, based in Qatar, was the only big Arabic-language network considered sympathetic to the Muslim Brotherhood.

Senior government officials, meanwhile, publicly scolded Western correspondents in two news conferences and a public statement for failing to portray the crackdown in the government’s terms: as a war against violent terrorists. On Sunday, even General Sisi joined the chorus, criticizing foreign news media for failing to appreciate his mandate to fight terrorism. The criticisms echoed incessantly through the state and private media, and, in an apparent response, vigilante supporters of General Sisi  have attacked or detained at least a dozen foreign journalists, a vast majority on the same day that an adviser to the president delivered the first diatribe against Western news coverage.

“One could be forgiven for saying that there is a coordinated campaign against the foreign journalists,” Matt Bradley, a reporter for The Wall Street Journal, said Sunday in an interview with Al Jazeera’s English-language sister network. He described being pulled into an armored personnel carrier by soldiers rescuing him after a mob tackled him, tore at his clothes and took his notebook.

Coming at the end of a week when security forces killed more than 1,000 Morsi supporters in the streets, the push to control how the news media portray the violence is the latest sign of the government’s authoritarian turn, which its officials have justified as emergency measures to save Egypt from a coordinated campaign of violence by the Islamists of the Muslim Brotherhood.

Scholars and human rights activists say they see signs of broad coordination between Egypt’s state and private media to drive home the same messages. After the first mass shooting following the military takeover killed more than 60 Morsi supporters at a sit-in, for example, television talk shows across the state and private media seemed to suggest that the Islamists might have deliberately provoked the violence to tarnish the military. Later, all seemed to discover that even Prime Minister David Cameron of Britain had argued for limiting human rights in the interest of protecting national security.

“There is very clear coordination,” said Heba Morayef, a researcher in Egypt for Human Rights Watch. “Forgetting what is true or not, it is interesting that you hear the same thing from everybody.”

Prominent human rights activists whose criticism of the former government made them a staple of Egypt’s nightly talk shows for the last two years say invitations have dried up as they have continued to criticize the police’s disproportionate violence since General Sisi’s takeover on July 3.

The scholars say the sudden pro-government unanimity of the Egyptian news media, following the cacophonous explosion of news media freedom after the ouster of President Hosni Mubarak two years ago, is a throwback not just to the Mubarak era but much further — to the pre-satellite era when the government ran all Egyptian media. Some said the chorus of criticisms of the Islamists as “terrorists” relatively seldom heard here until July — recalled the years of the early 1950s, when Col. Gamal Abdel Nasser consolidated his power by cracking down on the Muslim Brotherhood.

Even some of the headlines were almost the same, said Prof. Mona el-Ghobashy, a political scientist at Barnard who has tracked the Egyptian news media over the last eight months.

“It is the same hyper-nationalist discourse about how the Islamists are terrorists, that these people represent a transnational Islamism or some kind of foreign import, so they are not real Egyptians.” Officials now charge, without evidence, that many protesters are Syrian or Palestinian.

She noted a pattern of “dehumanizing” the Islamists across the state and private media that began shortly after General Sisi  removed Mr. Morsi, when the Islamists established a tent-city protest camp. Talk-show hosts said participants of the sit-in had scurvy. Other media outlets gleefully repeated an allegation by a government-sponsored women’s group that the Islamists there were conducting “sexual jihad” with women at the protests.

To support the crackdown, “you have to dehumanize them,” Professor Ghobashy said.